The Most-Cited JABA Article in Every Year, 1968-2025: Reflections on Standing Still and Moving Forward

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Here’s something interesting to ponder: According to Web of Science, below are the papers published in Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, the flagship ABA publication, that have been cited most often in each year of that journal’s existence.

By year, the most-cited JABA articles. Data from Web of Science.Note: for display purposes I combined the first four years because citations take a while to accumulate, so during a journal’s early years “most cited” is a volatile, and not terribly meaningful, concept.

You can find out more about the figure in Note 1, but mainly just take a moment to soak in what you see above. Notice which articles from JABA have made the biggest splash in each of the years since that journal started publishing.

And as you reflect, also take in this pithy observation:

Hayes (2001), in writing the quote above, was concerned about the continuing need for scientific disciplines to get their metaphorical shark on (proverbially, if not literally, sharks must move forward or die). Hayes specifically was frustrated by what he saw as an unproductive fixation among behavior analysts, in studies of verbal phenomena, on Skinner’s (1957) book Verbal Behavior. Hayes of course acknowledged that book’s importance in the history of behavior analysis but opined that:

“Something is seriously amiss when a scientific area can use a 50 year old [source] as if it is current.“

I have two reactions to this. First, in general terms, “move forward or die” does seem like common-sense advice. Science is about generating new knowledge, and if it ceases to do that, arguably it ceases to be science. I could do a whole post on scientific movements that got stuck and morphed into something other than science… something more like a social club, or a religion, or even a cult.

Second, whether or not science “moves forward” is heavily affected by social contingencies. As Skinner explained (in Verbal Behavior, ironically enough), a science is a verbal community that selectively reinforces certain types of scientific behaviors. And presumably not all verbal communities establish contingencies that will assure their long term survival.

Research by Alan Neuringer shows that what you get from reinforcement contingencies depends, unsurprisingly, on what you reinforce. Contingencies that are static — i.e., reinforcement is always contingent on the same behavior topography — tend to promote stereotypy in behavior, or “more of the same.” Contingencies that reinforce topographical variability produce novelty in behavior. It follows that if you’re looking for a spirit of innovation in science, an approach that values ongoing adventurousness, you want to reinforce variability to some degree. But here’s the rub. When early successes are reinforced, in the immediate run it’s tempting (and consistent with behavior laws) to do more of what worked originally. The costs of static reinforcement contingencies would become evident only over an extended time scale.

Okay, so, what do we know about the verbal community “calling its culture applied behavior analysis” (Baer et al., 1987, p. 313)? It had impressive early successes, of course, but since then what has been reinforced? Return to the figure that led off this post and speculate on that.

Important caveat to this discussion: Clearly we have no record of the day to day interactions that mediate reinforcement contingencies in our science. We don’t know what people say to each other in labs and clinics, no repository of journal reviews that tell us what referees think of various scientific practices, and so forth. But we do have one very concrete trail of breadcrumbs: People writing scholarly articles use citations to indicate what influenced them, so in science-as-social-enterprise it’s reasonable to think of citations as a marker for what people in a discipline value (reinforce). With this in mind, what does the figure above suggest is being reinforced in ABA?

As you ponder that, let’s take a step back and construct a frame of reference for the figure, a template of what you might expect to see in a healthy science. Science is cumulative, so we always “stand on the shoulders of giants.” Our current work is always, to some extent, derivative of work that came before, so in a way a healthy science is always simultaneously standing still and moving forward. That makes interpreting the graph I showed you a bit tricky.

What Hayes (2001) was suggesting is that breakthroughs in a dynamic science will have an influence shelf life. They burst onto the scene, for a time causing a constructive kerfluffle that can be seen in citation counts. Eventually, however, even a highly valued breakthroughs should fade from the citation spotlight. To understand why that might be so, consider the following example.

Everyone working in the discipline of evolutionary biology is beholden to Darwin… but that doesn’t mean contemporary evolutionary biologists fixate on Darwin per se. His ideas succeeded so thoroughly that many of them are now, in effect, common knowledge. Thus, in the everyday trenches of evolutionary biology research, new questions arise all the time for which Darwin provides a very broad historical context but is not the central guiding light or primary focus. And because all evolutionary biologists trace their thinking to the same historical context, everyone knows this, so often there is no reason to cite Darwin, even though he laid the groundwork for most contemporary investigations.

What an influence shelf life implies, therefore, is that cool new things will be actively discussed for a time, but eventually overshadowed by (or perhaps, more precisely, absorbed into) newer breakthroughs. It’s a sign of strength that evolutionary biology remains committed to the general paradigm of Darwin without having to name-drop Darwin every five minutes. Had Darwin not faded into the background, well, today’s evolutionary biology would still be a lot like that of the late 1800s. And stasis like that is not a great look in science.

What the data you’ve seen so far imply is that during the 1960s through 1980s a few key ABA papers came out, rocketed to the top of the most-cited rankings, and subsequently some of then stayed right at the top of the rankings. Check out the specifics for several of those articles:

Stability of citation ranking, among JABA articles, of seven iconic papers.
Time frame is the same as in the preceding figure (1968-2025). Data from Web of Science.

Ah, but what is “eventually”? For how long is it healthy for a field to embrace its older breakthroughs? After how long might that embrace suggest a lack of “moving forward”? I doubt there’s a standard answer to those questions, but we can at least seek some perspective by looking at what happens in journals other than JABA.

To make the figure below, for JABA and two other long-running behavior analysis journals (Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior and Behavior Modification) I found the most-cited paper for each year of each journal’s existence. Then for each journal I then computed a five-year running average of the age (years since publication) of those most-cited papers.

The two comparison journals seem to fit pretty well with the Hayes-predicted trajectory in which early breakthroughs retain their influence for a time and then are replaced by more recent work. Note how, in those journals, the age of the most-cited paper got bigger for a while (meaning those doing the citing hung on to seminal sources), then decreased (presumably because newer work gained citation supremacy). For JABA, however, the age of the most-cited papers has basically just gone up and up (see Note 2).

5-year running average of the age of annual most-cited papers for three journals.Data from Web of Science. JEAB = Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior. BM = Behavior Modification.

To clarify those effects let’s look at the year-by-year data for the comparison journals. Here’s JEAB.

By year, the most-cited JEAB articles. Data from Web of Science.
Note: For display purposes the first four years were combined.

And here’s Behavior Modification (see Note 3).

By year, the most-cited Behavior Modification articles. Data from Web of Science.
Note: For display purposes the first four years were combined

These cases seem different from JABA in two ways: More articles hold the most-cited title at least once, and at some point newer articles overtake older “classics” (though see Note 4).

The data I’ve shown you raise valid questions about whether ABA is “moving forward” as we would hope of a healthy science. I’m not saying it is or isn’t, only suggesting that maybe we should be vigilant about the risk of any field becoming obsessed with minor variations on a long-established theme. ABA’s persistent focus on contributions that are many decades old certainly can be seen in this light, but there may be other plausible interpretations (see Note 5).

So — What do you think? If you believe ABA indeed has become stuck, as the data shown here might suggest, why do you suppose we have failed to “move forward”? Is there something about the ABA verbal community’s contingencies of reinforcement that is responsible for this? And if so, what changes would be needed to yield a more adventurous research agenda?

But maybe you don’t perceive a problem. For instance, could it be that clinically-focused disciplines follow different rules of progress than those in the basic sciences? Or, if there are standard trajectories, do you believe ABA is actually “moving forward” with due haste, contrary to what the present data seem to show? If so, I have questions:

  • What are the recent breakthroughs that you think have transformed ABA for the better? For the sake of argument, if we suddenly banned all reference to Baer et al. (1968), Stokes & Baer (1977), Wolf (1978), and Iwata et al. (1994), what sources would you cite when describing the heart and soul of contemporary ABA?
  • If there are indeed dynamic recent breakthroughs in ABA, why do they not attract the same kind of citation attention as older “classics”? And, given that we’ve had decades to explore the implications of those classics, why do you think we feel a continued need to cite them to justify what, to behavior analysts, should by now be common knowledge?

Please use the Comments box to share your thoughts on these and related matters.

Author Note: This isn’t just a post about other people who seem stuck in the past. In writing the present offering it dawned on me that I can be guilty too. In previous posts, for instance, I have named-dropped Skinner quite a bit in the way Hayes was concerned about. And I’m honestly not sure why, because although Skinner might have been relevant to a lot of those posts in most cases he wasn’t a make-or-break frame of reference. The fact that I’m unsure why I do this suggests that whatever is driving our collective preoccupation with historical benchmarks in behavior analysis, it must be as subtle as it is pervasive.


“WATSON AND THE SHARK” (1778) by John Singleton Copley.

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